LURA 2026

Understanding Love and Language through an Autistic Perspective

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 30 Apr 2026 17:23:08 +0000

Understanding Love and Language through an Autistic Perspective Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/30/2026 - 11:23

Lab Name: Autistic Life and Language (ALL) Project

Mentors: Professor Kira Hall and PhD Student Lina Cahill

Authors: Adilana Anderson, Vivaan Kalura, Claire Kenny, Molly Mathews, Kaitlyn McGurran, Emmalyn Nono, Kinley Oppenheimer, and Landry Saul

Understanding Love and Language through an Autistic Perspective

The Autistic Life and Language (ALL) Project in the Department of Linguistics applies sociocultural linguistic frameworks to explore, ethnographically, the social lives of autistic people through a pair of sub-projects on autistic romance and accents, respectively. The research objective of both sub-projects is to highlight the social complexities of autistic expression through an analysis of social media discourse. We write this blog as the student researchers involved in this project for the 2025-2026 academic year.

AUTISTIC ROMANCE

Our sub-project on romance and autism challenges the notion that autistic folks suffer with deficits around the expression of love, instead reflecting autistic lived experiences of their own underrecognized love languages. We informed our analysis through watching the show Love on the Spectrum as well as through social media discourse analysis. Autistic and neurodivergent self-advocates have since developed a variety of folk diagrams to better represent their misunderstood and overlooked modes of expressing love, which work to expand upon and paint a more complete picture of Chapman's original five love languages.

Regarding the series, we observed some unique tensions in the show, especially relating to some of the production choices. It is evident that the series foregrounds neurodiversity, serving to educate people about some of the uniquely humanizing struggles, strengths and vulnerabilities faced by autistic people. Yet it simultaneously falls short in other aspects, which we found to invite certain interpretations that are othering and infantilizing.

Some argue that the show portrays autistic humanity and puts neurodivergent love languages on the map. It portrays autistic people longing for love and social connection – and some ultimately successful dates. Showing struggles, vulnerabilities and unique expressions of love serve to invite empathy from viewers. Others feel that the show reduces its stars to objects of an infantilizing, neurotypical gaze. It is premised on the assumption that autistic people face noteworthy dating difficulties that must be overcome. Some have even compared the stars of the show to animals, as seen in a viral TikTok trend where the voice of contestant Tanner was played over videos of dogs. Evidently, two viewers watching the show can arrive at very different, even opposite perspectives. Even though there are positives and negatives, representation has to start somewhere.

AUTISTIC ACCENTS

The accents portion of the ALL project analyzes the unique ability of neurodivergent individuals to sometimes adopt nonlocal accents and the complex functions this ability serves. Common misconceptions often leave neurotypicals under the impression that this form of accent adoption is the result of thoughtless, rote imitation. This can reinforce negative stereotypes regarding autistic languaging as well as the ability of autistic individuals to communicate. In contrast, our interview data revealed that many autistic individuals reflect on their nonlocal accent adoption, offering specific reasons for why they engage in this practice.

Through online social media analysis across various digital platforms, our team observed that nonlocal accent adoption among autistic individuals serves complex social functions and fulfills neurodivergent needs. This type of adoption can serve as a temporary mirroring strategy between neurotypical and neurodivergent individuals to ease immediate interactional pressures, or it can serve as a long-term strategy to counter neuronormative, local communication standards. At the same time, orientation towards formal accents can be used to communicate more clearly or to conform to societal expectations. Between neurodivergent individuals as well as with neurotypical individuals, nonlocal accent adoption can be a method of cultivating specialized registers, like cartoon voices, to signal expertise or create a sense of camaraderie.

In the future, our team hopes to expand the accents portion of the ALL project to include neurodivergent individuals who speak languages other than English to explore cross-cultural occurrences of the phenomenon.

CONCLUSIONS

Through this research, it has become evident that autistic individuals’ relationship to language reveals a great deal about their social motivations.

The section of our project on autistic love languages illustrates how autistic people can dismantle neurotypical expectations for expressing affection and champion their own unique means of communication, finding fulfillment in their relationships in a neurodivergent way. While autistic expressions of affection may appear different from that of neurotypicals, these differences do not necessarily indicate deficits; they show that autistic individuals experience the same need for love, though communicate it distinctly.

Our subproject on autistic accents further highlights how strongly social connection can motivate autistic people, as they adopt accents perceived as nonlocal to facilitate clarity, intimacy, and mask conversational awkwardness. Their perception of stigma surrounding autistic communication styles signals their inherent social awareness, as they implement alternative patterns of speech to form interpersonal connections and seek social acceptance.

Autistic individuals’ perseverance in overcoming these communication hurdles, whether framed as uniquely autistic deficits or universally experienced challenges, ultimately demonstrates how deeply love and social connection matter to those on the spectrum. This principle is crucial in the face of damaging stereotypes that suggest autistic people do not need or want interpersonal relationships, leading to dehumanization of the autistic community. Our work in the ALL Project plays an essential role in combatting this myth, emphasizing how autistic people crave the social connection that lies at the heart of the human experience.

This year's ALL Team includes: (left to right) Vivaan Kalura, Emmalyn Nono, Landry Saul, Kinley Oppenheimer, Adilana Anderson (top), Kaitlyn McGurran (bottom), Claire Kenny (on Zoom), Molly Mathews, Professor Donna Goldstein, Lina Cahill, and Professor Kira Hall.

Learn more about our work and team on the ALL Project Website

Image Credits

Cover Image: Created by students in the ALL Project

Autistic Love Languages Image: Created by @Autism_Happy_Place on Instagram

ALL Project Team Image: ALL Project Team Website

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Vivaan Kalura - Almost American: How Changing Accents Shape Identity

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 30 Apr 2026 17:13:57 +0000

Vivaan Kalura - Almost American: How Changing Accents Shape Identity Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/30/2026 - 11:13

Thumbnail Image Credit: Nitcharee Sukhontapriom

What happens when language assimilation motivates cultural change?

By: Vivaan Kalura

Course Title: Ling 1000: Language in U.S Society

Course Instructor: Dr. Kira Hall

Nominees: Dr. Kira Hall, Myron Stephens

For many immigrants in the United States, especially those who migrate from areas with collectivist cultures, language serves as more than just a tool for communication. It is integrated into their identities and creates a sense of belonging. When the pressure to belong to an appealing society overwhelms cultural ties, it can affect the way someone speaks, and even who they are.

South Asian immigrants often move to the United States in search of opportunity, stability, and a better future not only for themselves, but for their families. In doing so, they bring with them their traditions, and with those traditions, their languages. Among members of this ethnic group, language can be comforting in generating camaraderie while adapting to a new culture. However, daily interactions with members of an individualist society, of which English was recently made the official language, can create tension in maintaining one cultural identity while adjusting to another.

As part of a research project for the course Language in U.S society, I sought to determine how language use on social media, as well as in conversations, influences the identity and changing political affiliations of South Asian immigrants in the United States. In an interview I conducted with a South Asian immigrant who moved to the United States 20 years ago, he reflected on his early experiences with language in the workplace. He mentioned how he had a thick accent because he spoke Hindi frequently, which made it hard for him to communicate with his experienced English-speaking coworkers. He mentioned that several of his Hindi-speaking coworkers also faced this barrier, so they spoke more slowly to overcome it. In other words, despite sharing a native language, they often chose to speak with each other in English because of the environment they were in.

While such changes can make social interactions easier, they can also implicitly influence how individuals see themselves and where they belong.

On online platforms, such as X, these influences are even more apparent. In a post I found online from a millennial South Asian influencer, Puneet Sahani, he appeared to be praising Donald Trump by expressing strong political support using phrases such as “DeepState, blue-collar, liberal class, and working class,” to align his interests with a particular group.

Another user replied to this post in agreement, switching between English and Hindi in the same sentence. Both the post and the response highlight how individuals can connect with multiple communities at once, notably South Asians and Americans, expressing cultural roots while also forming new ones. This supports the idea that identity is shaped by social interactions.

However, while changes may appear to be voluntary, they are typically associated with pressure to conform to societal norms. In the United States, this is the idea that English is seen as the correct language. This harmful ideology can cause individuals to view their native languages as barriers to success, leading these individuals to change how they speak.

When people begin to change the way they speak, they may also change parts of their cultural identity. In extreme cases, this shift could potentially influence political beliefs.

At the same time, it is important to recognize that such experiences cannot be generalized for South Asian immigrants, or even immigrants as a whole. Each individual has his or her unique experiences that lead to the formation of a complex identity.

Ultimately, the relationship between accents, language, and identity is complex. For South Asian immigrants and others, they serve as both a bridge and a barrier. So, at what point does adapting to a new culture begin to change who we are?

References

Barrett, R., Cramer, J., & McGowan, K. B. (2023). Chapter 7: Language diversity in the United States . In English with an accent: Language, ideology, and discrimination in the United States (3rd ed., pp. 130–159). essay, Routledge.

Hall, Kira (2025). “Lecture 13: Bilingualism and Language Ideologies in Education.” Ling 1000: Language in US Society, University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder, Spring Semester.

Rumbaut, Rubén G., Severed or Sustained Attachments? Language, Identity, and Imagined Communities in the Post-Immigrant Generation (2002). The Changing Face of Home: The Transnational Lives of the Second Generation, pp. 43-95, Peggy Levitt, Mary C. Waters, eds., Russell Sage Foundation, 2002, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1886649

Schilling, N., & Wolfram, W. (2016). Chapter 2: Why Dialects? In American English: Dialects and Variation (pp. 27–40). Essay.

Vivaan Kalura is majoring in Molecular, Cellular and Developmental Biology on a pre-dental path. He is a researcher on the Autistic Life and Language (ALL) project and loves exploring the relationship between language and identity in different communities. In his free time, you’ll find him hiking with his dog, Leo!

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Rachel Wagner - Bad B*tch Syntax

Zachary Frisch — Fri, 24 Apr 2026 17:27:38 +0000

Rachel Wagner - Bad B*tch Syntax Zachary Frisch Fri, 04/24/2026 - 11:27

Rachel Wagner is completing a Bachelor’s-Accelerate Master’s degree in Linguistics, with minors in Spanish and Ethnic Studies. She is interested in how language shapes identity, culture, and power. Outside of academics, she enjoys singing, cooking, and spending time with her dog.

Cardi B. "WAP feat. Megan Thee Stallion." YouTube, uploaded by Cardi B, 7 Aug. 2020, youtube.com.

Rachel Wagner

LING 4830 Honors Thesis

Dr. J Calder

Bad B*tch Morphosyntax

If you watch the music video for Megan Thee Stallion and Cardi B’s WAP, grammar might be the last thing you think about. In fact, most people don’t think about grammar when they listen to hip hop. Part of the beauty and innovation of hip hop is that it plays with grammar and uses “incorrect grammar” poetically. My thesis is about how grammar itself can tell us about power, specifically when it comes to how female rappers talk about sex.

I zoom into the fine-grained aspects of grammar, like who is the subject of a sentence, who is the object, whether something is said directly or hinted at. These are the kinds of details hip hop does not traditionally focus on, but they directly shape how power relations are constructed. The difference between “I ate it” and “it was eaten by me” is not just stylistic. It carries real weight in how we interpret power, intention, and responsibility. Both sentences describe the same event, but they are different in one crucial way. In the first, the speaker sounds more in control. In the second, the speaker sounds more passive, because “me” is the object of the sentence. That shift is agency: who is doing the action versus who is being acted upon.

My thesis tracks sexual agency across a decade (2014-2024) of charting songs by female rappers, looking at how often women position themselves as the ones in control. Across the data, female rappers consistently and increasingly frame themselves as active participants rather than passive ones. For example, Saweetie says “You can look, don’t touch”, actively setting the parameters of engagement between her and the listener (Saweetie and Doja Cat, 2021). Megan Thee Stallion powerfully asserts “walk in the room and I’m giving commands, I am the captain he the lieutenant” (Megan Thee Stallion, 2020). Even in cases where they are talking about letting someone else do something, the structure still keeps them in control. Permissive phrases like “let him” still position the speaker as the one with the power to make the decision.

There is also a shift over time in how directly agency is expressed. Earlier artists often relied more on metaphor and layered innuendo. And by 2020, the language becomes more directly explicit. For example, in 2014 Nicki Minaj released the thinly veiled euphemism-heavy track “Anaconda” (Nicki Minaj, 2014) compared to later tracks like the acronymic “WAP” (Cardi B and Megan Thee Stallion, 2020) and “Twerk” by City Girls (2018). There’s very little left to interpretation, including the grammatical structure. Even looking at the titles, “Anaconda” is a euphemism for male genitalia and “WAP” is an explicit acronym for female genitalia. The difference in these song titles illustrates to move away from euphemism and also a less phyllo-centric perspective. After 2020, female rap songs again became less explicitly sexual but still agentive and more focused on the female body and pleasure.

However, female rappers are not being explicitly sexual for pure shock value. These artists are structuring their increasingly explicit language in a way that consistently centers themselves as agents. That consistency matters, especially in a genre and a broader culture where women’s sexuality is often policed, criticized, or framed through someone else’s perspective. This is where my work connects to ideas from hip hop feminism, especially the “politics of pleasure”, the idea that women openly claiming desire and enjoyment can be a form of resistance against White patriarchal standards. The Politics of Pleasure, as theorized by Joan Morgan (2020) is deeply rooted in Audre Lorde’s “Uses of the Erotic” (1984). She says, “In touch with the erotic, I become less willing to accept powerlessness, or those other supplied states of being which are not native to me, such as resignation, despair, self-effacement, depression, self denial” (Lorde, p. 59).What I am showing is that this empowered eroticism isn’t just happening at the level of content, but at the level of grammar. The way these sentences are constructed reinforces the same message: I am the one in control.

Female rappers aren’t just changing what gets said about sex, they’re changing how it gets said and who gets to say it.

Works Cited

Saweetie, & Doja Cat. (2021). Best friend [Song]. Icy; Warner Records. Genius.

Megan Thee Stallion. (2020). Captain Hook. On Suga [Album]. 300 Entertainment.

Cardi B, & Megan Thee Stallion. (2020). WAP [Song]. Atlantic Records. Genius.

Minaj, N. (2014). Anaconda [Song]. Young Money Entertainment. Genius.

City Girls. (2018). Twerk [Song]. Quality Control Music; Motown Records. Genius.

Morgan, Joan (2020). It's Ģ��Ӱ�� Time We Got Off: Claiming a Pleasure Politic in Black Feminist Thought (PhD). New York University.

Lorde, Audre. “Uses of the Erotic: The Erotic As Power.” Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches, Crossing Press, 1984, pp. 53-59

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Matthew Woods & Merced See - Politicians

Zachary Frisch — Fri, 24 Apr 2026 17:16:22 +0000

Matthew Woods & Merced See - Politicians Zachary Frisch Fri, 04/24/2026 - 11:16

“Politicians Say Whaaaat!?”

Ocasio-Cortez, A. (2025, Feb, 13) "MaYbe shE's goiNg to be in TroUble nOw", [X Post]. X. https://x.com/AOC/status/1890212614246109508

Matthew Woods and Merced See

Course Name: Ling 1000: Language in US Society

Instructor: Prof. Kira Hall

Nominators: Prof. Kira Hall and TA Emma Bornheimer

How do politicians use the power of language to connect with their audiences?

Being in the public eye, politicians are some of the most scrutinized and observed figures in U.S. Society. How they speak and address issues with language is critical for them to garner support for their ideas.

Political discourse, whether it be online, in interviews, within governmental proceedings, or rallies, can define how information is shared as well as influence how people perceive political figures. One figure of note: Democratic Representative Alexandra Ocasio Cortez (AOC) who is prominent in today’s political field. Her discourse style ranges from professional to personal depending on the context of her speech. Whether she is speaking in Congress, posting on social media, or participating in rally speeches for the democratic party, she adjusts her language to suit her audience.

Language can be a useful tool for self-expression and image management. Politicians have learned how to utilize it to their advantage. Through the small tweaks and changes they make, from context to context, politicians might appear personable, professional, or fearless. In our project, we investigated the speech patterns, vocabulary, and overall sentence structure of AOC’s communication style in each context to identify some of the ways that AOC shifts her style based on the audience and situation.

Looking at a few examples of AOC’s speech, we found that professional settings, such as a floor speech, hold many differences than within an interview or rally. In her floor speeches, AOC tended towards speech that was more concise and strong in word choice, while maintaining very clear enunciation.

“Without action against these blatant violations, reasonable Americans have and will continue to lose faith in the court itself. Reasonable Americans will and do believe that Justices Thomas and Alito are prone and subjected to corruption, that the institution failing to punish them is broken, and that consequently, their impeachment is a constitutional imperative and our congressional duty,” (RepAOC, 2024).

This speech style leaves the audience with a clear idea of her stance and maintains a quick pace. We attribute these choices to her audience because they reflect an ideal strategy to explain points and convince other house members. Comparing this to an interview on NPR, AOC spoke with less direct language and a more conversational tone.

In rally speeches, AOC employed much more repetition and shorter sentences in order to stress her main ideas.

“And I can tell you there, I can tell you that for a while there, when I was working double shifts, tired to the bone, I did. I did. I did try to give up. I tried to stop caring. I tried to just keep my head down and work my shifts and accept that this is just it and this is how things are. But that is no way to live. It’s no way to live,” (Ocasio-Cortez, 2025).

Furthermore, when comparing conversational discourse with her online presence, we found a number of other striking differences. Most notably, AOC is much more willing to utilize heavy sarcasm and confrontational language online as compared to the in-person examples we studied.

We can connect our findings to many concepts in the broader linguistic field including style shifting, language variation, linguistic affordances, and the linguistics S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G model. These concepts give us a bit of insight into how and why AOC may choose to use the strategies in her speech that we noticed in our case study.

Success in the political world is heavily dependent on how you are presenting yourself to potential voters and other politicians, as it is how politicians are elected and gain legislative advantages. Our findings highlight how much this jargon can change, from more personable language in an interview, to passionate/repetitive language in rallies, highly formal and sophisticated grammar in congressional addresses, to her sarcastic and informal remarks on X. Our research presented to us an interesting look into how our politicians present themselves to the public and an idea of the inner workings of their rhetorical success.

Merced See is currently double majoring in Environmental Studies and Ecology and Evolutionary Biology with a double minor in Creative Writing and Geology. She loves skiing in the winter, hiking in the summer, game nights with friends, and has a passion for photography.

Matthew Woods is majoring in Astrophysical and Planetary Sciences and minoring in Atmospheric and Oceanic Sciences at the University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder. He enjoys being outdoors hiking and bouldering as well as playing trading card games and listening to music.

References:

Gibson, J. (1979). “Chapter 8: The Theory of Affordances”. The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception. Houghton Mifflin. Boston, MA.

Hymes, D. (1962). THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF SPEAKING. Anthropology and human behavior. (13-53).

Hymes, D. (1964). Toward Ethnographies of Communication. American Anthropological Association. (1-34).

NPR. (2025, Feb, 28). Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is trying to find her party’s path back into power. | Morning Edition | NPR. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WQ4hvO6fD00

Ocasio-Cortez, A. (2025, Jan, 29) In case you’re having a bad day at work, [X Post]. X. https://x.com/AOC/status/1884733641139405132

Ocasio-Cortez, A. (2025, Feb, 13) "MaYbe shE's goiNg to be in TroUble nOw", [X Post]. X. https://x.com/AOC/status/1890212614246109508

basics of linguistics. (2021, June 26) ethnography of communication dell hymes speaking model. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=07DvaqDw8Kc

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Maisy Harris - Bowling Jargon

Zachary Frisch — Fri, 24 Apr 2026 17:01:13 +0000

Maisy Harris - Bowling Jargon Zachary Frisch Fri, 04/24/2026 - 11:01

Split Signals: Bowling Jargon and Belonging

You get a turkey, pick up a spare, and dread the split, but step outside the alley and the words that made you an insider can suddenly make you the punchline.

Maisy Harris

LING 1000: Language in U.S. Society

Spring 2025

Instructor: Prof. Kira Hall

TA: Emma Bornheimer

Inside the Alley

In a bowling alley, everything moves quickly. Pins crash, scoreboards update, and the room reacts instantly. Conversations follow the same rhythm. Someone complains about a “split,” another celebrates a “turkey,” and everyone around them understands without explanation.

For many communities, a specialized register like this is both playful and protective. In bowling, calling out a "turkey" or reacting to a “Brooklyn” shot feels normal and unifying because these words carry insider meaning and create a shared sense of community.

When developing a research project for the course “Language in US Society,” I was drawn to bowling jargon specifically because bowling is not always taken seriously as a sport, making its language unusually sensitive to in-group and out-group dynamics. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic capital, Michael Silverstein’s work on indexicality, and Mary Bucholtz & Kira Hall’s concepts of distinction and adequation, my project shows how bowling jargon reflects broader cultural and linguistic struggles over who gets to claim the label of “real” athlete.

Some Term Definitions

Turkey → three strikes in a row.

Split → separated pins or groups of pins standing after the first ball.

Brooklyn → hitting the “wrong” side but still striking.

Scratch → score without handicap.

Outside the Alley

Unlike more traditionally respected sports, bowling jargon tends to carry different social meanings outside the alley, which can often lead to discomfort or mockery.

Most bowlers are not invested in whether bowling is considered a sport, but when outsiders assume they are, the use of a specialized register can be taken as evidence that they are treating something unserious too seriously. This language becomes a target not because it is unclear, but because of what it is assumed to represent.

The Flip

At the same time, not knowing the language can make you feel just as out of place inside the alley. You miss references, hesitate to speak, and struggle to fully participate in conversations.

Importantly, this exclusion is rarely intentional. My research showed that most bowlers are happy to explain terms and help newer players learn the language. Still, even without that intent, not understanding the jargon can create a real sense of being on the outside.

Bowling jargon does not just include or exclude. It shifts depending on context.

What I Found

To explore this, I combined survey responses from competitive bowlers with observations from league and casual play, tracking how often jargon terms were used and by whom.

Figure 1. Frequency of 15 terms used by casual and competitive players during one league and one open bowling night.

The pattern was clear. Terms like “strike” and “spare” were used by everyone and did not signal experience. More specialized terms, like “turkey,” “scratch,” and “pocket,” appeared more often in competitive settings and signaled familiarity and belonging within a more serious bowling community.

One participant I interviewed for this study said:

“[Jargon is] part of the culture, so when using it you feel like you’re part of a more niche group of people than most.”

This shows how terms specific to the practice of bowling can create a sense of belonging. Using the right terms allows bowlers to feel like insiders, not just participants. As Bucholtz & Hall would say, the use of this collective lexicon serves as a tactic of adequation, producing similarity.

However, another bowler explained:

“Slang can be used to test how much a person knows… or to establish superiority.”

Here, instead of just bringing people in, jargon (or as this interviewee calls it, slang) can also be used to separate those who truly belong from those who do not—a tactic Bucholtz & Hall call distinction.

This tension becomes even clearer outside of bowling spaces. Another interviewee said:

“Yes, [I avoid using jargon] around non-bowlers… because they usually just make fun of you and it is not worth the headache.”

Bowling jargon does more than signal belonging or status in the alley. It becomes something bowlers must actively navigate in wider social life, adjusting their language to fit whoever they're with.

That tension shows up in the data: while 80% of respondents said using jargon made them feel like more serious bowlers, many still avoided it around non-bowlers. Language that builds confidence in one setting can just as easily create self-consciousness in another.

Why It Matters

These patterns reflect how deeply language shapes identity. Jargon acts as a form of social currency, as Bourdieu would predict, signaling experience and legitimacy within a group. But that value shifts depending on the audience.

This is best understood through what Silverstein calls indexical meaning—the idea that words take on different social significance depending on who is listening. Inside the alley, bowling jargon indexes belonging and expertise. Outside of it, those same terms can index pretentiousness.

Final Thought

Bowling is often seen as simple and accessible, but the language used within it tells a more complicated story. This research shows that language both reflects belonging and actively produces it.

That belonging, however, is fragile. The same words that create connection in one space can create distance in another. Bowlers are constantly navigating when to use language that signals identity and when to hold back.

Many communities rely on specialized language to build identity, but those same markers can also become sources of judgment or exclusion. Bowling jargon makes this tension especially visible. Language is not just about communication, but about recognition, status, and belonging.

References

Bourdieu, Pierre, and Loïc Wacquant. “Symbolic Capital and Social Classes.” Journal of Classical Sociology 13, no. 2 (May 2013): 292–302.

Bucholtz, Mary, and Kira Hall. “Locating Identity in Language.” In Language and Identities, edited by Dominic Watt and Carmen Llamas, 18–28. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010.

Silverstein, Michael. “Indexical Order and the Dialectics of Sociolinguistic Life.” Language & Communication 23, no. 3-4 (2003): 193–229.

Maisy is a Business major at Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder who loves puzzles, traveling with family, and finding patterns in everyday life. She bowls competitively and works at a bowling alley, which sparked her interest in how people communicate and connect, especially through the small details in language that often go unnoticed.

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Lily Schultz - The Myth of “Good English” and the Politics of Language

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 23 Apr 2026 22:53:35 +0000

Lily Schultz - The Myth of “Good English” and the Politics of Language Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/23/2026 - 16:53

What does it really mean when someone says another person speaks ‘good English’-- and who
gets to decide?

In July 2025, a brief exchange during a diplomatic meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Liberian President Joseph Boakai drew significant media attention and sparked discussions about language and perception. After Boakai spoke about strengthening relations between Liberia and the United States, Trump responded by complimenting his “beautiful Enlgish”, and asking where he had learned to speak so well. Boakai simply replied that he had been educated in Liberia, creating a striking moment. Yet, Trump’s surprise is puzzling— English is the official language of Liberia.

Video Link

From a linguistic perspective, this interaction reveals how language ideologies, prestige, and assumptions about education and nationality shape how humans judge language. Trump’s reaction reflects a common assumption that certain people— or people from certain places— are less likely to speak English “well”. These assumptions are tied to broader social ideas about what counts as “proper” language, who is expected to speak it, and what speaking it supposedly says about a person’s education or status. Examining this exchange through a sociolinguistic lens helps illustrate how assumptions about language shape our judgements and creates powerful markers of identity, authority, and social expectation.

An additional dimension that shapes this interaction is race. Scholars have shown that listeners often perceive racialized speakers as having strong accents or speaking “incorrectly”, even when their speech is linguistically similar to that of white speakers (Rosa, 2019). These perceptions are not based solely on how someone actually speaks, but on assumptions about the speaker’s racial identity. In this case, President Boakai’s identity as a Black African leader may contribute to the surprise expressed by Trump’s comment about “beautiful English”. Even though Boakai holds the highest political position in his country, he is still subject to the kinds of linguistic judgments often directed toward racialized speakers. This moment highlights how language attitudes can intersect with race, nationality, and dialect, showing that even individuals in positions of authority can be undermined by assumptions about how they are expected to speak.

One key concept that helps explain this moment is Standard Language Ideology— the belief that there is one correct way to speak, and that way is inherently better than others (Lippi-Green, 2011). Trump’s comments reflect his belief that *Standard American English (*SAE)— English that is free of accent, vowel mispronunciation, misplaced stress, and misinflection of words—is the correct way to speak. However, linguists widely agree that *SAE is largely an abstraction rather than a naturally existing form of language. In reality, all dialects of English follow systematic linguistic rules and are equally valid. Trump’s surprise likely stems from assumptions about Boakai’s nationality and non-American accent, but these factors do not make his English any better or worse than anyone else’s.

This moment also connects to the concept of diglossia, a situation in which two or more languages are assigned different levels of social prestige. In this case, Trump implicitly assigns *SAE has a higher prestige than other dialects of English. These perceptions influence social interactions and how speakers are evaluated by others. When certain varieties of speech are considered more prestigious, it can contribute to linguistic discrimination, in which people are judged or treated unfairly based on how they speak. These assumptions can influence hiring decisions, educational opportunities, and social status. Trump’s surprise about Boakai’s speech suggests American expectations surrounding how Liberians “should” sound when speaking English.

This study of language attitudes is important because it reveals how assumptions like President Trump’s can contribute to broader social inequities. Linguist Rosina Lippi-Green (2011) argues that language standards are often maintained and reinforced by those in positions of power. In moments like this one, political authority can intersect with language ideology, reinforcing the idea that certain ways of speaking are superior. Even though ideas of “good English” are socially constructed, people in authority, like Trump, can elevate their own way of speaking in order to reinforce their positions of power by framing them as standard. Trump has clearly asserted his way of speaking as the best, pe petuating harmful assumptions about language, education, and prestige.

So is there a “best way” to speak English? In short, no. President Trump’s comments to President Boakai about his “beautiful English” reveal that our assumptions about language reflect deeper social beliefs about power and prestige. Prescriptive views about language suggest that there are strict rules for how people should speak, despite the fact that *Standard American English is an abstraction. President Boakai does not speak English better or worse than anyone else simply because of his accent, nationality, or education background. Language differences reflect culture, history, and identity— not intelligence, education, or authority.

Bio: Lily Schultz is a graduating senior at the University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder majoring in history with a minor in philosophy. In her free time, she likes to ski, hike, visit museums, and listen to live music.

Works Cited:
Lippi-Green, R. (2011). English with an accent: Language, ideology, and discrimination in the
United States. Taylor & Francis Group.
Rosa, J. (2019). Looking like a language, sounding like a race: Raciolinguistic ideologies and
the learning of Latinidad. Oxford University Press.
Times News. (2025, July 10). Trump asks Liberian president “Where he learnt English” [Video].
YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=shKlArsMX6Y

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Katherine Fair - Archive of Our Own: The Paradox of Uncensored Organization

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 23 Apr 2026 22:49:36 +0000

Katherine Fair - Archive of Our Own: The Paradox of Uncensored Organization Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/23/2026 - 16:49

Archive of Our Own: The Paradox of Uncensored Organization

As a non-profit anti-censorship digital fanfiction archive, Archive of Our Own promises its users absolute creative freedom. Yet, behind the scenes, moderators and hidden hierarchies structure and shape the archival landscape. Is organization inherently censorship?

By: Katherine Fair

Nominator: Prof Velda Khoo

Course: ANTH 4800: Language and Culture

Fanfiction is a form of creative writing where fans take characters, settings, or storylines from existing media and build new stories around them. It answers “what if” questions, explores plotlines left unresolved, or imagines new worlds with familiar characters. For many, fanfiction is more than a hobby—it’s a way to engage deeply with media, share ideas, and connect with other fans.

The largest home for fanfiction works is Archive of Our Own (AO3), a nonprofit acclaimed to be created by fans for fans, built on preservation, instead of censorship. AO3 is a stark contrast to commercial fanfiction platforms, such as Fanfiction.net, that ban and mass-delete fanfiction to appease advertisers. The site is radically open: anyone can post, there are no ads or algorithms, and content is never removed by the site. With over 15 million works in more than 70 languages, AO3 has a monstrous collection; in comparison, Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder’s libraries hold only 11 million works. On AO3, anyone can publish anything without fear of moderation or removal. No character too niche, no topic too taboo. It is a massive digital library that is made functional by one core organizational feature and the central focus of this online ethnography project: tags.

Tags are short, user-generated labels that describe content, fandom, and themes. Readers use tags to find exactly what they want to read using the search and filter menus. But given that AO3 is a behemoth of creativity without borders, even tags themselves have evolved far past simple filters to an art form within the fanfiction community. A simple tag meaning that the work was not proofread, “No Beta Reader,” evolved into “No Beta We Die Like Men,” which was then customized by switching out “Men” with any character that canonically dies, producing the final result in the example screenshot below of “No Beta We Die Like Eytukan”. Another popular tag warns readers that a work’s content warnings should be taken seriously, usually regarding dark and taboo topics: “Dead Dove: Do Not Eat”. The fanfiction community has come to the collaborative conclusion that how dead the dove is determines the darkness of the content, producing a scale from “the dove is half dead” to “the dove is dead but it got a nice funeral” to “the dove is rancid and rotting” all the way to “Imagine i shot the dove in front of you with a .60 caliber”. In the example below: “Mild Dead Dove: Do Not Eat / I promise it’s not that bad / It’s still pretty bad though”.

These tag variations act as cultural markers– if you understand them, you’re “in” the community. If not, the humor, and sometimes even the meaning, can be lost entirely. While this insider language builds a sense of belonging, it also creates barriers. AO3’s tagging system assumes readers know its conventions. Searching effectively requires not just technical skills to operate a filter bar, but also cultural literacy: knowledge of which phrases signal jokes, which indicate serious warnings, and which reflect fandom-specific traditions. AO3 is open to access but demands cultural fluency for full participation. In removing censorship, it has also created a new form of gatekeeping.

So, how does a monumental website maintain accessibility and function when its labels are not uniform and entirely at the whim of the author? The answer: Tag Wranglers, volunteer digital librarians. Wranglers personally link chaotic, jargon-filled tags to “canonical” uniform ones, creating a functioning search system without sacrificing tag creativity. Tag Wranglers must be fluent in fandom-specific language to decode jokes, niche slang, and references, all while preserving each author’s individuality. Tag Wranglers moderate, but they are not censors; they cannot delete anything. Still, their work creates hierarchy, as Tag Wranglers make tags searchable and, therefore, discoverable. This creates censorship by omission, especially considering popular fandoms receive more attention and English is AO3’s default language. For example, when “No Beta We Die Like Eytukan” is wrangled, it is reduced to the canonical tag “No Beta Reader,” but the fanwork will now populate under the “No Beta Reader” filter results. A tradeoff of individuality and expression for functionality and form.

Thus, the paradox of Archive of Our Own. AO3 exists to reject censorship, but an archive can only function through moderation. Tag Wranglers provide structure, but that ideological structuring process quietly shapes what is visible, what is searchable, and what is included. It’s an unlikely balance: a platform that promises no censorship, but only because Tag Wranglers impose just enough order to keep the chaos at bay. Instead of top-down moderation, AO3 relies on a peer-organized system, one of the most distinctive cultural ecosystems online. Still, AO3 reveals that even in an uncensored space, human systems shape visibility, access, and participation. This paradoxical conflict is evidence that online spaces are not somehow less real, less relevant, or less socially rich than offline communities. They are communities—just as dynamic, creative, and paradoxical as those built face to face—built of code and connection.

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Julian Rattray, Katie Rivera, and Seth Ferrin - Exploring the School-to-Prison Pipeline Through an English Language Curriculum

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 23 Apr 2026 22:21:31 +0000

Julian Rattray, Katie Rivera, and Seth Ferrin - Exploring the School-to-Prison Pipeline Through an English Language Curriculum Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/23/2026 - 16:21

Authors: Julian Rattray, Seth Ferrin, Katie Rivera

Advisor: Prof. Dr. Rai Farrelly

Class: LING 4620 Teaching L2 Oral Skills and Communication

Semester: Fall 2025

LURA 2026

Exploring the School-to-Prison Pipeline Through an English Language Curriculum

What if teaching English meant more than building communication skills—what if it meant giving students a voice in systems that shape their lives? This idea shaped our approach to designing a curricular unit that incorporates language learning with critical engagement in real-world issues. In LING 4620: Teaching L2 Oral Skills, each student is part of a group that integrates English language teaching with a social justice topic. This project is part of an open-access curriculum resource for English language educators worldwide in partnership with our peers and professor. This project serves to get TESOL students to think about curriculum design beyond the level of a single activity or lesson, and instead on the scale of a unit. Our units consist of three lesson plans that are ninety minutes in length each, where we integrate language goals related to speaking, listening, and reading with discussions about and education on our social justice topic: the school-to-prison pipeline.

It is important to teach the English language through topics that are relevant to our learners. By teaching English through social justice topics, we can address the needs in our learners' lives while also teaching them the language skills they need. Content-based language instruction helps students find relevance between the topics and their lives.

We chose the School-to-Prison Pipeline as our social justice topic because it is an extremely pertinent topic to our English language students. We designed this unit for high-school-aged students at a B2-C2 CEFR level. Specifically, for newcomer students, students who are unfamiliar with the American school system, and students who are part of a vulnerable population, this is extremely important information. We wanted to begin by discussing features of the school system that are likely unfamiliar to our students, such as zero-tolerance policies and law enforcement presence in schools. We wanted students to develop a foundation in vocabulary and general knowledge about the school-to-prison pipeline while cultivating listening and pronunciation skills. In our lesson on restorative justice, we focused on student application of listening and communication skills to discover alternative approaches to discipline. We wanted students to cultivate the ability to advocate for themselves and their peers within this system and to advocate for a better system.

School-to-Prison-Pipeline Curriculum Unit Poster (Designed by the creators of this unit)

Our unit consists of three lessons, each building on the previous one to deepen both language skills and critical understanding. The first lesson introduces students to zero-tolerance policies and encourages them to examine how strict disciplinary rules can lead to unfair outcomes. Through vocabulary activities, pronunciation practice, and case study discussions, students not only develop their English skills but also begin analyzing how these policies affect different groups of students. By connecting language practice to real-life scenarios, students are able to engage more deeply with both the content and the language.

The second lesson shifts focus to law enforcement in schools, specifically the role of School Resource Officers (SROs). In this lesson, students explore arguments both for and against police presence on school campuses, using listening activities, structured discussions, and role-play exercises. One key goal of this lesson is to help students develop the language needed to advocate for themselves in situations involving authority figures. By practicing how to express opinions, agree or disagree respectfully, and defend their perspectives, students gain both linguistic confidence and practical communication skills.

The final lesson introduces restorative justice as an alternative to punitive discipline systems. Students learn about programs that focus on repairing harm, building community, and supporting students rather than punishing them. Through video analysis, group presentations, and collaborative discussions, students explore how restorative approaches can reduce harm and create more equitable school environments. This lesson emphasizes that discipline does not have to be about punishment, but can instead be an opportunity for growth and understanding.

Language is a central aspect of students’ lives and a critical tool for communication. As such, in an English language classroom, learners should not be passive recipients of knowledge but active constructors of their own proficiencies. Social justice lessons are an essential piece of actively involving learners as agents of change and fostering critical awareness, empathy, and social action. Building tools of communicative competence with relation to concerns that directly relate to their lives creates opportunities for students to contribute voices, perspectives, and lived experiences, which are recognized as valuable sources of knowledge. When integrating these topics into the classroom, teachers need to ensure inclusive and respectful participation, a supportive and culturally responsive classroom community, and opportunities to explore diverse perspectives and realities. Through activities like discussions, projects, and critical reading tasks, learners are encouraged to reflect on their own experiences and those of others, building both linguistic competence and critical consciousness. Additionally, using authentic tasks and materials fosters a sense of agency and responsibility because students use their knowledge to advocate for justice.

Title Image Credit:

Little, H. (2018). Minorities’ Plight in the Classroom: School-To-Prison Pipeline. Roosevelt House Public Policy Institute at Hunter College. https://www.roosevelthouse.hunter.cuny.edu/?forum-post=minorities-plight-classroom-school-prison-pipeline

References:

European Union. (n.d.). Common European Framework of Reference for Language skills | Europass. Europass.europa.eu. https://europass.europa.eu/en/common-european-framework-reference-language-skills

Teaching L2 Oral Skills. (2026). Teaching L2 Oral Skills. Google.com. https://sites.google.com/colorado.edu/teaching-l2-oral-skills/home?authuser=0

Julian Rattray is a Chinese major with a TESOL minor at the University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder. He is passionate about language learning, teaching, and cross-cultural communication. He hopes to use his language skills in his future career while helping students find their voice through English.

Katie is majoring in Elementary Education, Linguistics for TESOL, and Spanish at the University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder. She is an avid reader and loves spending time with her friends and family. She has a passion for teaching and is greatly enjoying learning about language teaching. 

Seth is majoring in Linguistics on the TESOL tract at the University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder and is also pursuing a masters in Linguistics through the BAM program. Seth also enjoys participating in Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder’s Golden Buffalo Marching Band.

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Gavin Reed - Climbers

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 23 Apr 2026 22:14:50 +0000

Gavin Reed - Climbers Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/23/2026 - 16:14

“Beta, Send, and Sandbag: How Climbers Speak Their World into Existence”

Gavin Reed

Course: Language in U.S. Society (LING 1000)

Course Instructor: Kira Hall
Nominator: Sarah Adams
Main photo credit: Alexandra Golubtsova

Illustrated and created by artist OhJaye.

Rock climbing isn’t just a sport about strength, technique, or adrenaline (not all climbers are adrenaline junkies), it’s also about language. If you’ve ever stepped into a climbing gym, you might hear phrases such as, “I finally sent the climb,” “the crux on that one is brutal,” or “you want some beta on that?” To non-climbers, these terms might sound confusing or even just like an alien language. But for climbers, this specialized vocabulary, also known as jargon, is essential in the climbing world.

My research project explores how climbers use jargon not only to describe movement on the wall, but to build identity, establish community, and signify experience in the climbing world. By analyzing conversations from climbing gyms, social media, and YouTube, this project asks: how does climbing language, or jargon, show who belongs and who doesn’t?

Language Proves Identity

At the core of this research project is a key idea seen in sociolinguistics: identity isn’t something you have, it’s something you show; actions speak louder than words.

Sure, you can consider yourself a climber if you’ve been climbing for quite a while, but what really completes your metamorphosis into a climber…. Is by talking like a climber.

Photograph of Kevin Corrigan swinging mid-air, submitted to Climbing Magazine for the popular "Unbelayvable" column by Jonathan Sliski.

For example:

Saying “I flashed it” (completed on first try) shows skill and experience

Offering “beta” (advice) can signal authority

Describing a climb as “sandbagged” (harder than expected) shows knowledge from past experience in climbing.

Using these terms correctly tells other climbers, “I know what I’m doing.” And misusing them or not knowing them at all can instantly mark someone as new or inexperienced.

According to linguists such as Mary Bucholtz and my professor Kira Hall, identity emerges through interaction; meaning we build who we are through how we communicate. In climbing, jargon is one of the main tools for building identity.

Community or Gatekeeping?

Climbing language is powerful, but it can also be a little complicated.

On one hand, it brings people together. The shared vocabulary helps climbers bond, collaborate, and celebrate achievements in their sport. Saying “nice send!” instantly connects you to others who understand the struggle; and the language.

On the other hand, climbing jargon can also exclude people who aren’t as experienced. If you don’t know the language, it can feel like you don’t belong.

Image is credited to the University of Ģ��Ӱ�� Ģ��Ӱ�� Springs (UCCS).

This is what linguistic researchers call gatekeeping. Language becomes a kind of test:

Do you know the terms?

Do you use them correctly?

Do you sound like “one of us”?

In online spaces, such as Reddit’s climbing forums or Discord channels, this becomes even more important. Since people can’t see your physical ability, language becomes your main way to prove credibility and experience.

Not All Climbers Talk the Same

Another fascinating finding: climbing jargon can change depending on location and culture.

Climbers from the U.S. might say “highball” (referring to a tall boulder problem).

British climbers might reference “gritstone slopers” (a type of rock found in the English Peak District).

Different gyms can even develop their own micro-slang exclusive to that gym

This is what linguists refer to as indexicality: certain language used to point to identity, place, and culture.

In other words, the way you talk doesn’t just show you’re a climber; it can also show what kind of climber you are.

Language You Can Feel

One of the most interesting insights from this research is that climbing language isn’t just spoken, it’s also felt.

The image is a promotional photograph featured by Dyno Climb, an indoor rock climbing facility

Terms such as:

“Barn door” (swinging off the wall)

“Dyno” (a dynamic jump to another hold)

“Whipper” (a big fall while attached to a rope)

While these words are technically describing physical movements in climbing, they are really referring to physical sensations. As climbers gain experience, the language becomes embodied, they don’t just understand it intellectually, they feel the sensation of the term in their body.

Why This Matters

As climbing becomes more popular, especially with the rise of more indoor gyms and popularity on social media, the language is spreading too. But that raises important questions:

Who gets to use this language?

What counts as “authentic”?

Can newcomers ever fully belong?

This research shows that climbing jargon is more than just slang, it’s also a social tool. It helps to build friendships, create hierarchies, and help people navigate identity in the growing climbing community.

In conclusion, climbers don’t just climb rocks and build a community from that, they talk their community into existence.

Bibliography

Bucholtz, M., & Hall, K. (2005). Identity and interaction: A sociocultural linguistic approach. Discourse Studies, 7(4–5), 585–614. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461445605054407

Gavin is an IPHY (Integrative Physiology) undergraduate student at Ģ��Ӱ�� Boulder who still climbs every week, and trains for climbing on days that he isn’t on the wall. When he isn’t climbing or training, he’s hanging out with friends, playing guitar, or preparing for his application to Med school or PA school.

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Emily Rollins - Indonesia

Zachary Frisch — Thu, 23 Apr 2026 22:05:14 +0000

Emily Rollins - Indonesia Zachary Frisch Thu, 04/23/2026 - 16:05

Unity or Inequality? The Language Dilemma in Indonesia Language policy looks at how governments and institutions decide which languages are used in places like schools, workplaces, and government, and how those choices impact people’s access to opportunities. These decisions become especially complex in countries with high levels of linguistic diversity, where language can both unite and divide. Indonesia is known for its linguistic diversity, with over 400 languages spoken across its many islands.The country’s geography plays a big role in this. Many people grow up on islands where they are primarily exposed to a local language. The Indonesian government feared that this diversity would result in ethnic division within a country that is already geographically divided, so to combat this issue, they declared a national language of Bahasa Indonesia.

At first glance, this seems like a good idea. However, conforming to a national language can be repressive for minority language speakers and create linguistic barriers and hierarchies within the country. This issue especially manifests itself within education. Indonesia’s laws allow schools with students who are primarily from minority languages to speak the local language for the first three years of school; however, after that, education in the local language is required to stop, and Bahasa Indonesia becomes the only language of instruction.

This abrupt transition creates a major barrier for students who speak minority languages. By the fourth year in school, some children may walk into class and not understand the language their teacher is speaking. Indonesia’s literacy rate is around 98%. However, there are still substantial deficits in rural areas. This issue is particularly severe in rural areas, where students may not be exposed to Bahasa at all before starting school. In many cases, place of birth and the socioeconomic status of the family can determine one's access to education. This has led to lower literacy rates in economically disadvantaged areas (see Figure 1).

Figure 1
Positive correlation between adult literacy rate and per capita expenditure among Indonesian
provinces

In addition, gender disparities also contribute to illiteracy in Indonesia. In some small villages, young girls are expected to do household chores while boys attend school. This has historically led to lower literacy rates among women, as shown in literacy data from the late 1990s and early 2000s (see Figure 2).

Figure 2
Illiteracy rates among population aged 10 and above by gender

However, the challenge doesn't stop there; learning Bahasa Indonesia isn’t even the finish line anymore. English is becoming increasingly valued by the government and parents. In 2014, an Indonesian minister stated that the country would fall behind economically if English education did not improve. However, implementing English into schools has been challenging. Indonesia’s already complex linguistic landscape made it difficult to balance English instruction with Bahasa Indonesia and other local languages. Additionally, many teachers were not qualified to teach English, and some did not have sufficient proficiency in English to teach effectively.

In the bigger picture, the inequality doesn’t stop at education. Language shapes access to jobs, healthcare, and even political participation. Many government positions require fluency in Bahasa Indonesia, and often English too, which means speakers of minority languages are less likely to have a voice in decision-making spaces. The same issue shows up in healthcare. If translation services aren’t available, language barriers can make it harder for people to get the care they need.

What makes this situation complicated is that Indonesia doesn’t explicitly ban minority languages. People are free to speak their local languages in their communities, and many do. But when those languages aren’t used in schools, government, or other powerful institutions, they become less useful in those spaces. Over time, this can pressure people to shift toward the dominant language to access better opportunities, and that shift often carries over to the next generation. This is how languages gradually lose status, and sometimes disappear across generations, without ever being legally banned.

This puts Indonesia in a difficult situation. On one hand, Bahasa Indonesia promotes national unity in a country with immense diversity. English provides economic gains and allows Indonesians to participate globally. Also, minority languages hold culture and tradition; simply tolerating them without promoting them can be exclusive and create further disparity, while also leading to loss of cultural knowledge and tradition.

One possibility is stronger bilingual education programs that extend beyond the first few years of school. This would allow students to build literacy in both their home language and the national language, rather than being forced to transition too quickly. Increased investment in teacher training and resources for multilingual classrooms could also help bridge the gaps between rural vs. urban schools and wealthier vs. less affluent areas.

This specific scenario highlights an important idea, which is applicable even outside of Indonesia’s linguistic environment: language policy is never just about language; it holds weight in national identity, unity, power, and who has access to opportunity

Emily Rollins, World Language Policies, Dr. Rai Farrelly (instructor and nominator)

Emily Rollins is majoring in Speech, Language, and Hearing Sciences with minors in Linguistics and Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL). Outside of school she loves playing volleyball, trying new foods, and traveling!

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